Showing posts with label Yogi Adityanath. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Yogi Adityanath. Show all posts

Wednesday, 18 April 2018

VIP hate speeches rise 500%, under Modi

 

The use of hateful and divisive language by high-ranking politicians has increased almost 500% in the past four years, an NDTV data collection exercise has found.
  • A day, or a week doesn't go without some senior politician - a member of Parliament, minister, MLA or even Chief Minister making a hateful comment, be it in the language of bigotry or calling for violence. The rise in use of social media by politicians has only amplified this disturbing trend.
  • NDTV collated the data from public record, internet, as well as using their reporters, scanning nearly 1,300 articles and going through 1,000 most-recent tweets of top politicians and public figures. NDTV says that this is not a perfect record, and doesn't claim to be comprehensive. 
  • From May 2014 to the present, there have been 124 instances of VIP hate speech by 45 politicians, compared to 21 instances under UPA 2, an increase of 490%. 90% of hateful comments made during the NDA's current terms are by BJP politicians. 
  • During UPA-2, 21 political leaders made hateful comments, of which 3 instances (14 %) were from the Congress, which anchored the coalition. Politicians from the BJP took the lead, recording 7 instances of hate speech.
  • Of the 45 leaders responsible for hate speech since the Modi government came to power, in only find six cases (only 5% of all instances) of evidence of a politician being reprimanded or cautioned, or issuing a public apology. 95% of the time, the 'VIP hater' faced no consequence.
  • In at least two cases, hate speech appears to have paid off. 
  1. Yogi Adityanath, the current CM of UP, was a MP from UP when, in Nov 2015, he said "There is no difference between the language of Shah Rukh Khan and that of Hafiz Saeed". In Sep 2014, he ascribed the rise in riots in Western UP to the population growth of a minority community. "In places where there are 10 to 20% minorities, stray communal incidents take place," he said. "Where there are 20 to 35% of them, serious communal riots take place and where they are more than 35%, there is no place for non-Muslims." In all, there are 6 instances of hate speech by the UP CM. All were made before he was promoted to his current office.
  2. Anant Kumar Hegde was a BJP MP from Karnataka when, in Mar 2016, he said, "As long as we have Islam in the world, there will be no end to terrorism. If we are unable to end Islam, we won't be able to end terrorism." In Sep 2017, he was promoted as Union Minister of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship. Since 2014, Mr Hegde has made seven such hate speeches. Three months after being made union minister, in Dec 2017, Mr Hegde declared that the party would remove the term "secular" from the Constitution, saying "These people who call themselves secularists are like people without parentage or who don't know their bloodline."
  • Mr Hegde is one of three serial 'VIP haters' in poll-bound Karnataka. Shobha Karandlaje, a  MP from Karnataka and the general secretary of the Karnataka BJP, has posted at least nine hateful tweets since June last year. Pratap Simha, another MP from Karnataka, has also posted four hateful tweets since September last year. 
  • In further proof that hate has no consequence on the careers of political leaders, at least 21 political leaders (or 48%) had recorded more than one instance of hate speech. They were not reprimanded for their hateful comments, nor did they issue apologies. Prominent amongst them is T Raja Singh, a BJP MLA from Telangana, who has repeatedly made public speeches inciting violence. In Nov 2017, he threatened to burn down theatres screening "Padmavat." Since Dec 2015, Mr Singh has made at least ten hateful comments.
  • BJP MP Subramanian Swamy has written hateful tweets against Muslims, posting at least 17 of these since Sep 2017.
  • The reluctance of BJP to crack down on its hate speech 'offenders' is due to the fact that the its top leadership does not seem averse to playing the communal card, albeit using veiled language. Prominent amongst such instances are speeches by BJP party president Amit Shah, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself.
"If there is a cemetery in the village, there should be a crematorium as well; If there is electricity on Ramzan, it should be there on Diwali as well; there shouldn't be any discrimination," Mr Modi had said in Feb 2017, during an election rally in Fatehpur, UP, in the run-up to the assembly elections that his party swept. 
  • During the same campaign, Amit Shah sparked controversy with this comment: "If by any mistake, BJP loses, the victory and defeat may be in Bihar but fire crackers will go off in Pakistan."
  • Read the source article for complete list of hate speeches by BJP and UPA leaders.


Hate speeches are the hall mark of BJP's propaganda, especially during elections and during parliamentary debates. Modi goes way beyond others with deep desire to eliminate all national parties and establish monopoly of Hindutva forces paving the way for Hindu Rashtra. He fails to understand federal cooperation with states, diversity of the nation and the need to have balanced approach for unity & integrity of the nation. His facial expressions and body language evidently expresses his thoughts, intentions and actions. With his intolerance, arrogance coupled with lack of skills required for administering a large nation, and India was so much divided today like never before. For the first time since liberalisation in 1992, Indian economic outlook was so much distressed. Modi must be credited with shooting at the Tyres of the racing car (Indian Economy) without having an iota of what he was doing with his hare brained demonetisation and senselessly designed & hurried roll out of mangled GST.


Thursday, 23 November 2017

Yogi Adityanath should talk like CM

CM Yogi Adityanath, talking non sense in public meeting

NHRC has taken suo motu cognisance

NHRC in its statement said that the reported statement of the chief minister tantamounts to giving police and other state forces a free hand to deal with the criminals at their will and, possibly, it may result in abuse of power by the public servants. It is not good for a civilised society to develop an atmosphere of fear, emerging out of certain policies adopted by the state, which may result in violation of their right to life and equality before law. 

The statement is nothing but NHRC's admonition to CM Yogi Adityanath and in all decency he must be sacked or compelled to resign for his irresponsible statements like a street goon.

Sunday, 3 September 2017

Modi's cabinet reshuffle

  • In today's Modi's cabinet reshuffle includes 9 new ministers inducted, dropping 6 ministers citing under performance or age & health and 3 existing vacancies.
  • The talk is that Dattatreya after resigning complained to RSS chief Mohan Bhagawat on telephone. Bhagawat seems to be unhappy with Modi for easing out RSS pracharaks from cabinet and including ex-officials.
  • Earlier Uma Bharti refused to resign on poor performance grounds and suggested PM could dismiss her. And Modi retained her.
  • Nitin Gadkari declined Railways portfolio, where Suresh Prabhu offered to quit after a series of accidents and deaths.
  • It was BJP's reshuffle in NDA cabinet while allies in the cabinet remain untouched.
  • It was a blind reshuffle and both performers and under performers getting their portfolios changed.
  • For Nirmala Sitharaman, who held the independent charge of the commerce and industry ministry elevated to Cabinet rank and inducted into the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) by virtue of her appointment as the Union defence minister. 
  • Sitharaman is technically the second women to hold the defence portfolio, but for former prime minister Indira Gandhi, defence was an additional charge. Sitharaman is India's first full-time woman defence minister.
  • Nirmala Sitharaman joined the BJP in 2006 and was a part of a team of six spokespersons headed by Ravi Shankar Prasad, for BJP prior to joining Narendra Modi's ministry in May 2014. It was during her stint at National Commission for Women between 2003-05 that she came in contact with Sushma Swaraj who sounded Nirmala out for a role in BJP. Her mother-in-law was a Congress MLA in Andhra Pradesh, while her father-in-law was a Minister in the Andhra Pradesh Congress Govt in 1970s.
  • Suresh Prabhu offering to quit Railway Ministry on moral grounds after a spate of train accidents and deaths but sticking on with change of portfolio is deeply immoral.
  • Not but the least, clearly BJP lacks talented people to hole ministerial portfolios. 


If performance is the criterion for retaining ministerial positions, the first man to exit would have been Modi him self who brought booming economy to its pre-2014 levels, worst unemployment levels, deeply distressed agriculture etc which costed UPA the power in 2014. Along with him would have been FM Arun Jaitley. In the recent past UP CM Yogi Adityanath should have taken moral responsibility for death of 300 children in Gorakhpur hospital due to negligence & corruption and Haryana CM ML Khattar for mismanaging riots consequent to Dera Baba Ram Rahim Singh's conviction leading to at least 30 deaths and large scale property destruction. Modi would have done a wonderful thing by bringing Raghu Ram Rajan as Finance Minister. Alas no great things by small men. And rules are meant for others to follow, not for self.

Thursday, 6 July 2017

UP Farmers cheated by Modi & BJP

  • Recollect the opinion polls during UP elections 2017, which confirmed absence any kind of wave and predicted BJP as largest single party falling short of majority and SP+Congress combine close behind and BSP at a distance. Few days before start of polling, Modi dramatically promised farm loan waiver for small and marginal farmers of UP that helped BJP rode to resounding victory.
  • Astonishingly, farm loan waiver was a failed strategy and Congress style of populism was always thrashed as an ill for the economy and strangely adopted by Modi-BJP in UP elections. Earlier, when Modi denied help to AP CM for farm loan waiver in fulfillment of his election promise, he was hailed for his financial prudence.
  • One of the triggers of the farmers’ agitation across India in May and June was the decision of waiver of farm loans by the Yogi Adityanath-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in Uttar Pradesh.
  • The BJP governments in Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra announced waivers, following violent agitations by farmers.
  • The farmers of Uttar Pradesh, the first beneficiaries of the farm loan waiver of 2017, debunked the government’s announcement with varied epithets such as “sleight of hand”, “treachery” and “downright chicanery”. Unanimous sense of indignation was reflected among farmers due to its tweaking, in terms of the category and the time frame, has not gone down well with large sections of the farming community. The impression that the BJP leadership, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, gave during the campaign for the Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, was that there would be a comprehensive waiver of agricultural loans.
  • The scheme downright chicanery concocted by vile administrative and political barons. Farmers were more annoyed with the time frame set for loan waiver restricting it to 40% of small and marginal farmers. The time frame had been set in such a manner as to exclude a large number of debt-ridden farmers from the scheme.
  • Evidently, this scheme has been devised by a devious brain that knows about this behavior pattern of farmers and they are playing games with honest farmers while promoting defaulters and a culture of loan defaults.
  • Though the scheme was announced in early April, no initiatives were taken by the administration or the banks to implement it. When they are going to make a concrete move in this direction? 
  • Large sections of the bureaucracy points out that while it was the duty of the official machinery to facilitate the fulfillment of the ruling party’s election promises, its government cannot conjure up resources for it at will. 
  • Earlier there was faint hope that the Centre would help out with some allocation because the Prime Minister himself was involved in propping the loan waiver idea in the campaign. But after Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh followed suit with the scheme and the FM's emphatic statement that State governments will have to find their own funds, UP is practically in a quandary. The initial estimates are that the schemes would cost the State exchequer Rs.36,359 crore, which would meet 25% of the total outstanding agricultural loan of Rs.1,21,000 crore accrued in 2015-16. The scheme would benefit about 86 lakh of the 2.15 crore small and marginal farmers while total number of farmers are estimated to be 2.3 crores. 
  • The scheme deliberately leaving out 60% of the small and marginalized farmers is no fulfillment of election promise and UP may well see the emergence of MP-Maharashtra like situations, since the hope generated by the loan waiver announcement was fast crumbling even as the farmer was getting a price much lower than fair for his produce.
  • The Adityanath government is fortunate in that there are no spirited farmers’ organisations with militant leadership in the State like in Maharashtra and MP. The existing organisations lack credibility and tenacity. But the sense of hurt that thousands of farmers in UP feel will not subside for long.
My View:
Modi has no habit of walking the talking. Modi suffers from worst possible type of corruption; an insatiable desire for personal glory at any cost; an extremely deep moral and spiritual corruption. Modi belongs to the line of autocratic ideologues rather than the western tradition of revolutionary neo liberalism, or marxist rationalism. He would do anything to win elections and stay in limelight and publicize failures as achievements. Farm loan waiver is an U-turn from BJP's stated objectives of farm loan waiver, which hitherto was Congress style of populism and criticized by all and adapted by Modi only to win UP elections which is having snowballing effect on the entire nation and subjecting state government finances and banking system to severe duress. Development of infrastructure and progress of nation has gone back by at least 10 years. Senseless demonetization and unprepared GST roll out will have its own effects on our economy. Almost his schemes swachch bharat, make in india etc - all failed and bleeds exchequer without any tangible results and yet publicized as successes. With all these Modi is proving again and again as the worst economic manager our country ever had.

Rural revolt destroys Modi's 3rd year celebration plans

  • Humongous plans for the third anniversary celebrations of the Narendra Modi led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government were announced in mid May. The 22 days celebrations were to be conducted from May 25 to June 15 by the BJP.
  • These celebrations of the BJP-led NDA government will be centred around PM Modi, with a ‘Making of Developed India (MODI)’ festival as the highlight, as 450 leaders, including Union ministers, BJP chief ministers, MPs, MLAs and office-bearers spread across 900 cities and towns starting May 26 to educate the masses about its achievements since 2014. A control room is being set up in Delhi to monitor the programmes and visits of the BJP leaders between May 26 and June 15.
  • The plans visualised Modi writing two crore letters and sending 10 crore SMS messages to common people, front-page advertisements in 400 newspapers across the country displaying Modi’s visuage and listing his government’s achievements, 30- and 60-second advertisements on television and radio on all the 22 days of the celebration period, and 300 multimedia exhibitions in various States.
  • Booklets titled “Then and Now (UPA and NDA)”, to highlight how the country had marched ahead under Modi. The agriculture sector is given special focus in the booklets. 
  • The government’s promotional programmes did not make any reference to its pre-election promises on the agricultural front and its failure to fulfill them. Instead it talked about the government’s ambitious rural development initiatives aimed at doubling farmers’ incomes in real terms by 2022 and uniting the fragmented markets to achieve the goal of “one nation, one market”.
  • This self-aggrandizement project ran to the satisfaction of the various organizers for about a week, that is, until June 1, 2017, the day farmers’ organisations in Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra started separate agitations demanding farm loan waiver and a hike in minimum support prices (MSP) in tune with the promise made by the BJP governments both at Centre and in the two States. 
  • The BJP had promised during the 2014 Lok Sabha election campaign that it would implement the recommendations of M.S. Swaminathan commission 2006 that suggested that the MSP should be above 50% profit margin on input cost.
  • Barely a week after the commencement of the farmers’ agitations, the grandiose third anniversary celebration plans were in a shambles, thoroughly exposing the hollowness of the government’s claims, especially about enhancing the rural economy and boosting farmers’ interests. The eventful one week witnessed intensification of the agitations in the two big States, Maharashtra and Madhya Pradesh, with farmers dumping milk and vegetables on roads and damaging vehicles, resisting attempts by the police and the security forces to quell them. The escalated violence resulted in the killing of six farmers in police firing in Madhya Pradesh.
  • The responses from the BJP, including CM's Fadnavis and Chouhan  were to brand the agitations as politically motivated vandalism sponsored by the opposition Congress and NCP. They insisted that the farm sector was successful under the Modi regime and that the farmers’ agitations were entirely unwarranted. So much so that both the leaders either refused to initiate talks with farmers’ representatives for discussions. But none of these tactics succeeded. The developments since June 1, 2017 and the nationwide response, put them on the back foot. While Fadnavis announced a loan waiver for farmers with less than two hectares of land, Chouhan, after launching a dramatic indefinite fast to bring peace and calm down the agitating farmers, announced that purchasing farm produce at rates lower than the MSP would be treated as a crime.
  • MP CM SS Chouhan should have been asked to step down for his failure to assess brewing discontentment among farmers and mismanaging the whole situation. The fact that compensation was increased from Rs.5 lakhs for each dead person increased to Rs.10 lakhs and then to Rs.1 crore indicates panicky management.
  • There is no guarantee that the resentment in the two States and in the farm sector in the rest of the country will subside. Already, farmers in Haryana have launched an agitation demanding loan waiver. In Maharashtra leader of the Swabhimani Shetkari Sanghatana (a BJP ally), has issued a warning that “If the promises are not kept, the agitation will resume with greater vigour.”
  • In Madhya Pradesh there are signs of farmer organisations regrouping to launch a more concerted movement.
  • The promises made by Fadnavis and Chouhan and the Union government had not adequately addressed the underlying factors that had forced farmers to take the path of agitation. These leaders have been dictated by political brinkmanship throughout, and this does not help in finding lasting solutions to farmers’ grievances. The current announcements fall in the same bracket.
  • The demand for loan waiver came up in Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra because Modi himself spearheaded this brinkmanship during the campaign for the UP Assembly elections promising loan waiver for farmers. Such was the rhetoric that Modi said the loan waiver would be the first decision of the new Cabinet. He also said the Union government would contribute towards the expenditure incurred by the loan waiver. The BJP was elected to power in the State and the new government, under Yogi Adityanath, was forced to live up to this rhetoric and announce loan waiver. It is this that triggered the current phase of farmers’ agitations in other States.
  • In both the States, the agitation gathered strength not in areas where there was crop failure but in places where crops were abundant but farmers were denied remunerative prices.
  • Madhya Pradesh farmers were aggrieved that the State government was propagating falsehoods about the farming sector. The Chouhan government had been claiming a 20 per cent growth in agriculture in the past five years. The government received the Krishi Karman award (excellence in agriculture) five years in a row for this.
  • The BJP leadership have tried to underplay the role of the demonetization drive in creating agrarian distress while RBI stated how the demonetization drive and cash shortages have caused panic in the farm sector and suggested policy interventions may be envisaged to arrest the slump in prices.
  • BJP's determined refusal or inability to address comprehensively issues pertaining to the farm sector and measures such as loan waiver might bring temporary relief to farmers, larger policy initiatives were required to bring lasting stability to the farm sector.
  • The most important thrust of these initiatives and incentives should be to rescue the farming sector from the predations of the middlemen, money lenders, traders of spurious inputs, corporate sector and their interests. This predation has been marching on and on over the past two and a half decades. Governments after governments and political parties after political parties have asserted they understand the dynamics and perils of this predation, but at the level of policy and governance they have all played the facilitator role to the deprivations of these forces. 
  • The question is whether any government will show the political will to take on this problem and thus protect the farmer and through that the country itself. As things stand now, there is not much hope for this fundamental course correction.

If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, 
it cannot save the few who are rich ... John F. Kennedy


My View:
While Modi talks about corruption, black money etc, these lavish celebrations would have costed over Rs.10,000 crores and the bills picked up by central & state PSUs, BJP and its crony businessmen, eventually burdening the common man. This sort of corruption is worse than receiving bribes as quid pro quo. Needless to say every BJP party activist associated with these celebrations will make few lakhs to few millions of rupees, across the nation. It is clear that BJP doesn't have any agenda for alleviating the problems of farmers and rural masses except some quick fix solution and publicizing them as achievements. Gandhi once said "India lives in its 600,000 villages, not just Delhi, Bombay, Calcutta & Madras." While Modi quotes Gandhi & Patel as convenient to him, he is really never bothered about villages and its economics dynamics. Among Indians 60% belongs to lower class & poorer sections, 30% middle class, and 10% upper & rich class. It is clear that Modi is concerned about middle & upper classes only except shedding some crocodile tears once in a while. Modi has wasted 3 years in celebrations, foreign jaunts and hollow publicity. Emulating Congress model of governance (excepting some name & color changes) Modi is sure to pay a bitter price in 2019 elections, similar to that of Vajpayee & Advani in 2004.

Sunday, 2 July 2017

Modi: Killing in the name of gau bhakti not acceptable


My View:
BJP, RSS, Bajrangdal - all same has always resorted to violence and mob killings of Muslims for consolidating their positions or achieving new heights. 
  • 1992: Advani spearheading rath yatra that ended up demolishing Babri Masjid with precision and speed of six hours, without any casualties, unleashing violence catapulted BJP from 2 in 1984, to 84 in 1991 and to 120 in 1991 and eventually landing in power in 1996, 1998 & 2000. Advani couldn't become PM in preference to his senior and mentor AB Vajpayee.
  • 2001: Modi succeeded in dislodging Keshubbhai Patel and backstabbing Sankar Singh Vaghela and became CM of Gujarat. He consolidated power, to some extent, by resorting to elimination of his minister Haren Padya. Amit Shah's controversial role in murders resulted in Supreme Court debarring his entry into Gujarat for two years 2010-2012.
  • 2002: Gujarat riots that lasted two months killing about 2,000 Muslims by Hindu mobs led by Bajarangdal, facilitated by Modi, his Cabinet, his Administration and Police. Maya Kodnani, who spearheaded single biggest Naroda-Patiya massacre of 90 Muslims in a single day was rewarded with Minister's berth by Modi. Later Kodnani was sentenced and Modi facilitated her bail is another story.
  • 2002: Even though 100,000 Muslims were displaced during riots and haven't returned to their homes, how Modi pressurized Election Commission agree for mid term poll and convinced them all refugees returned to their homes and rehabilitation completed (even today some 15,000 displaced Muslims are living in outskirts of Ahmedabad), through Advani's Home Ministry for midterm poll in Dec 2002, is a mystery.
All BJP leaders who ever resorted to violence against Muslims during past two decades are now enjoying powerful positions, the latest being Yogi Adityanath, CM of UP.

Hence Modi's talk after two months of Vigilante groups massacring beef eaters etc is nothing but an eye wash and delayed condemnation of attacks tantamount to approving the attacks on minorities especially Muslims in the name of gau rakshaks or any thing else.

Tuesday, 6 June 2017

What army is doing in Kashmir?

Army's role is primarily to secure frontiers from external threats and police to maintain internal law & order.
    • Kashmir valley's population is over 9 million of which 96% are Muslims. 60% of the Valley’s population is below the age of 30 with shrinking job avenues. 
    • Notwithstanding other achievements of Narendra Modi, Kashmir will be the scene of his biggest failure unless a dramatic breakthrough in the near future. Such a feat will justify J&K Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti's belief that only Modi can solve the state's problems.
    • The low polling percentage of 7% in last month's Srinagar parliamentary by-poll was a sign of the erosion of popular faith in the electoral process since 2014, when the assembly polls registered 66% voting, a 10% per cent jump from 2008.
    • Everyone is feeling choked because the political system has failed to deliver. After PDP tied up with the ultra-nationalist BJP, the space has shrunk even more for the youngsters who have gravitated towards militancy.
    • Today, the Army is a part of daily life in Kashmir. New generations of Kashmiris have grown up living next door to military camps while the army too has learnt more about dealing with the Valley. The army lives in the self-belief that it has won the hearts of people in insurgency-hit areas. 
    • Kashmir remains the most militarized zone in the world.
    • Anywhere between 6.5 lakh to 7.5 lakh [security personnel] are there in Jammu and Kashmir. If you take the Army’s total strength, half of it is there. 
    • The ground reality in Kashmir is that in 2013, 31 local youths joined militancy, the number for 2015 (till Sept) jumped to 66, according to police records.
    • In Kashmir, security forces are regularly targeted by militants to intimidate people and discourage local youngsters from joining the government forces that have been fighting insurgency that broke out in 1989 and has since killed more than 40,000 people.
    • The ratio of police to people is the highest in Kashmir, than any state. 
    • It is like a prison-like reality in Kashmir and expect its people to be silent.
    • There were only 150 militants in the state last year. Do we need 7 lakh soldiers to fight 150 militants?
    • The total number of militants killed in Kashmir since 1990 is 21,000. Of them, only 3,000 were foreign militants.
    • If people were told the truth that Kashmiris don’t want to be with India, and the struggle here is sustained by them primarily, and there is very limited external support – the public opinion in India too would change. 
    • Not to allow the public opinion to change, campaign about Pakistan-sponsored proxy war are told. Indian electronic media is a part of India’s military strategy in Kashmir.
    • The State Human Rights Commission said in an ongoing case that 570 people buried in the three districts in North Kashmir as foreign militants were later identified as local Kashmiris.
    • There are at least 8,000 families which claim their members disappeared over the last 25 years. 
    • Many Indian soldiers have raped Kashmiris. In the last 25 years, there have been hundreds of women who came forward to file cases of rape. It is very difficult to persuade them to file cases for fear reprisals from the Army. There are also issues of social stigma and non-deliverance of justice. 
    • Sexualised and gendered violence cases are about 7,000. This include boys being sodomized, male rapes as well. It would be very difficult to prove a rape. You can hardly call it sex with consent by sex workers, when someone has a gun in his hand and asks a woman to have sex, and she agrees.
    • So far there have been no conviction for encounter, rape, custodial killings, disappearances or torture in Kashmir.
    • Army using a ‘human shield’ tying a militant in front of Jeep, similar to that of LTTE using children as human shields, and later army justifying and commemorating this action further widens the alienation. This is in gross violation of human rights.
    • The utterances of senior BJP leaders are having a direct impact on the ground situation here. Beef was never an issue here and is hardly consumed but after the Haryana CM told Muslims they could live in India provided they stopped eating it, anger is growing and people are fearing the rise of the BJP. Muslims don’t fear death, rather prefer dying with honour rather than living a life of shame under oppression.
    • Despite Modi's earlier admonition, the saffron lobby's continuing opposition to inter-faith affairs and the description of Mughal emperors like Babur and Akbar as "invaders", as by UP CM Yogi Adityanath recently recalling the castigation of Muslims as unpatriotic "Babur ki aulad" (children of Babur) during the Ram Janmabhoomi movement further alienates Kashmiris.
    • The problem is essentially political. Financial packages announced by Prime Minister Narendra Modi are not the balm people need. You cannot throw money at the problem. If you think Modi will come here and announce a package and people will forget, that’s not going to happen.
    • The appearance of schoolgirls on the streets to join the teenage boys to throwing stones at the security forces shows that the familial and social norms are breaking down.
    • Hemmed in by bunkers, curfews and frequent internet bans, people are searching for dignity and justice. The tragedy is that like in the past over two decades, neither Srinagar nor New Delhi is wising up to the new reality and looking beyond security perspectives.
    • The ground beneath Kashmir’s feet is indeed slipping.

    My View:
    Army can be used to conduct a specific operation in civilian areas similar to that of "Operation Steeplechase" to weed out Naxalites and "Operation Bluestar" to flush out militants from Golden Temple but it is the duty of politicians and police to establish normalcy and maintain law & order. Prolonged presence of Army in large numbers in Kashmir, while weeding out militants inflicts atrocities on civilians, and will only complicate the issue and alienation would be total and irreversible. The only solution is to make Kashmiris feel that they are equal citizens of the nation and engage them politically and economically, otherwise we may very well end up losing Kashmir and for Kashmiris it would be from frying pan to fire.